Vol. 14 No. 2  
April, 2008 
Roots and branches


Erasmus and Praise of Folly
(Erasmus, Praise of Folly, London, England: Penguin, 1971)
reviewed by Robert Martens

“...Folly creates societies and maintains empires, officialdom, religion, law courts and councils – in fact the whole of human life is nothing but a sport of folly” (102).

 Erasmus, the brilliant scholar, writer and religious activist who profoundly influenced the Reformation, founded no school or sect and never left the Catholic Church. For these reasons this “moderate” figure has been somewhat ignored. Erasmus, however, as an “evangelical humanist” who tenaciously attacked the abuses of the Church, played a huge role in sparking the schisms of religious reform. The scholars of the late medieval period had turned their backs on the rational gospel of Aquinas and were teaching the primacy of religious observances and rites. The torture of “heretics” in order to bring them back to the Church fold was considered absolutely normal. It seemed clear to Erasmus, who perceived the divine even in the ancient Greeks and Romans, that the Church sacraments must always be secondary to following the simple gospel of Christ. With this emphasis on living a good Christian life, he broke as well with Luther’s dogma of absolute justification by faith. We have only to follow in Jesus’ footsteps, he taught, and the early Anabaptists could not have agreed more.

 Erasmus was born in Holland around 1469, the illegitimate son of a future priest and of a physician’s daughter. He was enrolled in the well-known school at Deventer where he developed his life-long passion for ancient texts in the service of religion. The school was also a centre of the Brethren of the Common Life and of the “modern devotion” movement, which taught ethical and scriptural piety and largely ignored the sacraments. Erasmus entered a monastery but as a vital and abrasive scholar he never felt at home there. In 1499 he visited England and became close friends with Thomas More, who later wrote the famous Utopia and was beheaded by Henry VIII. Erasmus’ years in England were likely the happiest of his life: his Praise of Folly, written in the early sixteenth century, was dedicated to More. Later, depressed by religious corruption, and especially by the warlike pope Julius II, Erasmus turned down the offer of an appointment in the Church. Frequently he lived in poverty. He welcomed the reforming influence of the new pope Leo X, but by now the schisms of the Reformation were unstoppable, and Erasmus died in 1536, deeply saddened by the bitter conflicts within Christianity which he had, in a sense, helped engender.

 Praise of Folly is a masterpiece of wit and style, by no means flawless, but so daring that one wonders how Erasmus escaped the heretic’s pyre. The speaker is the goddess Folly who claims she is the most worshipped of all deities: though “Folly is in poor repute even amongst the greatest fools, still, I am the only one ... whose divine powers can gladden the hearts of gods and men” (63). Praise of Folly can be roughly divided into three sections. The first is relatively light-hearted and bantering, “my bit of nonsense” (57) as Erasmus calls it. Yet the attack is already on: “...you can find a good many people whose religious sense is so distorted that they find the most serious blasphemies against Christ more bearable than the slightest joke on pope or prince...” (60).

 There is much here with which Anabaptist/Mennonites would have agreed. Erasmus assails the cult of Mary and the saints, and the buying of salvation through the magic of indulgences: “And what am I to say about those who enjoy deluding themselves with imaginary pardons for their sins?” (127) He introduces Plutus, god of wealth and self-indulgence, as the father of Folly. He echoes the Anabaptist/Mennonite idealization of humility when he says that humankind, unlike God’s animal creation, are unwilling to live within their natural limitations. He writes that Jupiter “has bestowed far more passion than reason” (87) to humankind, and that anger and lust control human beings like empires. Certainly the ascetic inclinations of Anabaptist/Mennonites are in correspondence here. Yet Erasmus’ differences with the radical reformation are clear: as a humanist scholar, he contends that humanist reason should be a moderating influence. Erasmus, unlike the often vociferous early Anabaptists, was always a mediator at heart.

 In the second section of Praise of Folly, Erasmus’ compatibility with Anabaptist/Mennonite doctrine is even more evident. The bantering tone disappears. Erasmus speaks in his own voice, and the critique is scathing. For theologians, he writes, “it is a lesser crime to butcher a thousand men than for a poor man to cobble his shoe ... on the Lord’s day” (155). These same theologians “are so happy in their self-satisfaction ... that they haven’t even a spare moment in which to read even once through the gospel...” (161). As for monks, Erasmus says, “the whole tribe is ... universally loathed” (164). Cardinals and supreme pontiffs “spend all [their] resources on the purchase of their position, which once bought has to be protected by the sword, by poison, by violence of every kind” (179). The climax of this second section is a savage attack on war that recalls Menno Simons’ later writings. “[S]ince the Christian Church was founded on blood, strengthened by blood and increased in blood, [the supreme pontiffs] continue to manage its affairs by the sword as if Christ has perished and can no longer protect his own people in his own way.... And there’s no lack of learned sycophants to put the name of zeal, piety and valour to this manifest insanity...” (181). If churchmen were serious about the gospel, Erasmus cries, they would “renounce their ambitions for the office” and “take the place of the apostles who were poor men” (178). In this section Erasmus has a prophetic voice that Anabaptist/Mennonites would certainly have found welcome; indeed the more educated among them would certainly have been familiar with Praise of Folly.

 The third section of the book takes a sharp turn in its definition of “folly.” “God’s foolishness is wiser than men” (196). Divine folly is the simple way of the gospel: Christ did not wish humankind “to be redeemed in any other way save by the folly of the cross and through his simple, ignorant apostles.... He taught them to shun wisdom, and made his appeal through the example of children, lilies, mustard-seed and humble sparrows, all foolish, senseless things” (199). The beautiful writing here surely recalls the Anabaptist/Mennonite ideals of simplicity and Gelassenheit (peace, calmness, possessing without possessing).

 Erasmus later wrote in a letter, that “I’ve no enemy whom I wouldn’t prefer to make my friend, if I could” (215). This was likely an aspiration which he never quite achieved, as his disposition was too contentious for tranquil coexistence with his contemporaries. Anabaptist/Mennonites also talked much about love of enemy, but practice did not always reflect reality. Erasmus adopted a conciliatory position and the murderous struggles of the Reformation broke his heart. In the end, despite his loathing for hierarchical corruption, he never left the Catholic Church. The Anabaptist/Mennonites deeply felt that a rupture with the medieval church was necessary, even obligatory, and many paid for their beliefs with their lives. In later years, however, many Mennonites would thoroughly assimilate into the economic and political structures of mainstream society, while the more traditional among them, such as Old Order or Amish, would maintain that a rupture was still necessary. Erasmus attempted a middle way of maintaining one’s spiritual integrity within the dominant structure, in this case the Catholic Church. If he was not altogether successful in this attempt, he consistently acted with integrity and in good faith. To be sure Erasmus was a man of his time, prejudiced against women, Jews, and the “common man” (he was writing for an educated class). But just as he inspired Anabaptist/Mennonites of the sixteenth century, he can speak to us today in language that sometimes sounds positively contemporary: “Fools ... are rolling in money and are put in charge of affairs of state; they flourish, in short, in every way” (184).